Greene County (continued)

PART V: “To Intimidate the Disaffected”


Although it has become fashionable for revisionist historians to attack Abraham Lincoln on the basis of his policies regarding martial law, enforcement of the draft law, and suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, the fact remains that he and his advisors maintained enough faith in American democracy to allow the existence of a “loyal opposition” in the North and to permit the election process to continue even in the darkest periods of the war. For all the talk by Democrats in the North of “American Bastilles,” a name given to military prisons holding civilians arrested by the military on one charge or another, the North did not experience the slaughter of political opponents that other republics have experienced during similar crises. Since Pennsylvania was a key state in national and presidential politics, it is understandable that the Republicans paid close attention to anti-war movements there and the actions and words of the Democratic leaders throughout the Commonwealth.
The race for governor in Pennsylvania in 1863 was extremely important to Lincoln. Republican Governor Andrew J. Curtin had proven to be a strong supporter of the war effort. His opponent, Peace Democrat George W. Woodward was a Pennsylvania Supreme Court Justice who supported the preliminary injunction against enforcement of the draft law in Pennsylvania issued in the case of Kneedler v. Lane. The election could therefore be viewed as a referendum on the Republican Party’s execution of the war. If Curtin lost his bid for reelection in 1863, there was a chance that Lincoln would lose the state and reelection as President in 1864. In analyzing Pennsylvania politics for President Lincoln in a letter dated June 17, 1863, Senator Edgar Cowan informed Lincoln that the voters of Pennsylvania “constitute but two great parties, Democratic and Whig, just as they did 20 years ago—and the nature of men out of which these parties grew remains the same.” He remarked that half of the people, representing the Democratic Party, “are bitterly opposed . . . nay they hate and abhor . . . abolitionists.” Of the Republicans in Pennsylvania, he estimated that nine-tenths were opposed to the radical policies of the abolitionist wing of the party. Yet, Senator Cowan warned Lincoln “many now believe that the War is now really waged for the sake of Abolitionism and not to restore the Union.” As the gubernatorial election approached in Pennsylvania, Andrew Curtin informed Lincoln on September 4, 1863, if the election were held that day “the result would be extremely doubtful.” “In the cities and towns,” Curtin continued, “the changes are all in our favor, but in the country, removed from the centers of intelligence, the Democratic leaders have succeeded in creating prejudice and passion, and have infused their poison into the minds of the people to a very large extent, and the changes are against us.” Despite his pessimism in September, Curtin won reelection as governor of Pennsylvania when the general election was held in October. In Greene County, however, Curtin was defeated by a margin greater than two to one.
Lincoln won Pennsylvania in the presidential election in 1864, although Greene County was one of twelve Pennsylvania counties that voted against him. The Congressional election that year, however, contained some interesting developments. Congressman Lazear was running for reelection in the 24th District, including Greene County. He was opposed by a Republican from Washington County, George V. Lawrence. State Republican leaders seemed confident that the election would go their way. On September 27, 1864, Simon Cameron wrote to President Lincoln from Pittsburgh that all “is right in every district except the one” containing Westmoreland County where Senator Edgar Cowan lived. The Waynesburg Messenger, however, in an article published on October 12, 1864, after Lazear was defeated for Congress by Lawrence, howled that the “military was posted in several of the upper townships.” Smelling a conspiracy by local Republican leaders, the editor noted that he had “the very best authority” for saying that Secretary of War Stanton issued an order directing that a regiment of soldiers be sent into Greene County to be present for the election. Noting that the order was given for the purpose of “INTIMIDATING THE DISAFFECTED,” he was convinced the troops were present for the sole purpose of helping the Republicans defeat Lazear for Congress.
Refusing to reveal its source, the Messenger reported “. . . we know one Lincoln office holder who exultantly expressed the belief to the other precious scamps . . . that this movement `would reduce the majority in Greene County for Gen. Lazear, to twelve hundred.’” Despite the fact that the county gave Lazear a majority of about 1600, the Democratic newspaper was certain that “judging from Richhill [Township], Lazear’s majority may, by this foul means, be reduced below that of the Governor’s election.”
The exact source of the Messenger’s information regarding such an order for troops to be present for the election in Greene County is difficult to trace. According to the Official Records of the War of the Rebellion, Series I, Volume 43 (Part II), page 523, the commander of the Department of the Susquehanna, including western Pennsylvania, issued a special order on November 1, 1864. In these instructions to the district’s provost marshalls, it was directed that in “view of the approaching election, deserters from the army and the draft may return to their homes, and every effort must be made to arrest and hold them to the service they owe their Government.” It is possible that a similar order was issued prior to the congressional elections in October.

AFTERWORD

There is still a great deal of research to be done before a complete picture of anti-war sentiment in Greene County during the Civil War period can be drawn. This series of articles has done little more than sketch an outline. For some reason, the county historians in the nineteenth century chose to ignore these episodes and to concentrate on the county’s military history. It may be that events were too recent and internecine wounds in the county had not healed enough for these episodes in the region’s history to be looked at dispassionately. Once the war was over, the residents of the county concentrated their efforts in ventures like oil, gas, western cattle, and sheep. Bates, Evans, Hanna, and Waycoff may have decided not to dwell on the unpleasantness of the recent past. For modern historians and genealogists interested in the problem, sources are difficult to find. Only a handful of newspapers have survived in the microfilm collections. Letters and diaries are still locked away in the county's attics and basements. It is possible we may now never know more than a bare minimum of the story. Arnold Shank noted that after the war, many Peace Democrats simply destroyed their personal papers. Yet there are many untapped resources. It was common for local political leaders to report conditions to state and national party leaders. It may be that a search of relevant manuscript collections will shed more light. In addition, a thorough search needs to be made in the provost marshall records at the National Archives in Washington, D.C. Other resources may eventually come to be recognized. Whatever future research discloses, it is imperative that more work is done.
After the war, it seems that the citizens of Greene County did the best they could to forget. Reuben Brown continued farming in Perry Township. W. G. W. Day after purchasing the Waynesburg Republican became a promoter of the Waynesburg and Washington Railroad. L. K. Evans, before taking off for the Midwest, busied himself researching and writing his pioneer histories of the county. After losing the congressional election in 1864, Jesse Lazear retired to his Maryland farm, returning to Richhill Township to be buried after he died. Dr. Alexander Patton returned from Harrisburg after serving one term in the legislature later returning to serve in the state Senate. The oil in Dunkard Township eventually dried up. Davistown became a picturesque little village nestled in the hills. In Morris Township, the Fonner girl married, and the old sheep shed, the scene of her hopes and fears, fell into decay, rotting away and leaving nothing but the ghosts of a family legend to inspire historical curiousity in a later generation.